Constitutional Reform Not Connecting

It is said that the constitution of the 1962 Independence process was ‘not by the Jamaicans and not for the Jamaicans’, but rather a borrowed concept from our colonial masters to smoothen our transition to an independent nation.

Fast forward to 2023, and thus far this Constitutional Reform process can be described as ‘by some Jamaican people and for some Jamaican people’, with the roadmap and phases of implementation already decided upon without much input as to what the collective mass would deem as priority or how they would like to see the process unfold.

 

An accepted notion amongst Jamaicans is that those within parliament are there because ‘they know best’ and are the brightest, they should formulate the laws or policy, debate, and vote on those laws while regular citizens should complain about issues and vote in elections. This upsetting misconception may have been appropriate in a fledgling democracy finding its footing but has no place in a maturing modern democratic nation.

 

If we were true to the principles of Democracy and the Westminster model of government then the people would be at the core of this Constitutional Reform process from conceptualization to implementation and resolution. It is wholly unfair to the people of Jamaica and specifically the youth, that the Government of Jamaica had decided to embark on a path of reform without first having the sort of inclusive discussions they are now seeking to have now. The renewal or refreshing of previous works done by commissions that existed decades ago would have been of vital importance to any administration that truly understands the impact of such a momentous change on future generations.

It also doesn’t help that the Constitutional Reform Committee seemed to have public education and communication as an afterthought. In a world of AI and TikTok, a communications strategy should have been developing prior to the formation of the CRC, seeing that the Government had the implementation approach in mind.

The CRC must resist the “token participation” tactics of that is only seen to be transparent and accepting of feedback but in practice, the policy is already set.

 

We all know distrust in government is high due to low transparency therefore It is crucial for this Constitutional Reform process to be open and inclusive at every step of the way.

 

At the end we must have a constitution for Jamaicans, by Jamaicans for future Jamaicans.

Jamaica Debates Commission Should Revise Criteria for Debate Participation

Mario Boothe

Youth & Governance Advocate

JDC Logo

Allowing for differing views and opinion on policy to contend is a critical tenant of democracy, yet the Jamaica Debates Commission (JDC) current setup seems to be ignoring the opinion of our newest political parties and those that identify with their ideology.

In May 2017, the Jamaican parliament in its wisdom approved the “Political Parties Registration Regulations”, this move was to provide for greater transparency and accountability. This also solidified these organizations as part of the democratic and electoral processes in a way they never did before. This registration includes providing organizational structures, gaining signatures and other details.

Only four (4) political parties have so far registered, the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) and People’s National Party (PNP) along with 2 newer parties including the United Independents’ Congress (UIC) and the Jamaica Progressive Party (JPP).

On November 4^th, 2021, the JDC conducted a signing of a MOU that saw the PNP and JLP commit to being a part of the organized debates ahead of the Local Government elections. The exclusion of the JPP and UIC, that are considered “third parties” on the surface may not seem like much, but this should call into question the legitimacy of the election debates.

These third parties are representing concerns not expressed by the establishment options. This was clearly displayed by the UIC’s attempted march on Gordon House this summer.

The JDC’s “Debate Manual” that outlines requirements for political party participation in debates says it cannot be the role of the JDC to provide a platform for political parties to attract national attention, in same breath outlining the hurdles that would limit third party chances in elections. The manual also outlines having public support and ability to form government (fielding candidates and providing policy) as criterion.

With General Election turnout dipping below fifty percent of recent, and Local Government elections trending even lower, it is almost certain to say that no political party has gained the confidence of majority of eligible voters.

It must be suggested that the current JDC manual and format is outdated given the legislative updates and the electoral/political realities.

The commission as a national effort by the media and private sector is excellent, but it should revaluate the necessity to rigorously gatekeep participation, when the limited opinions of the 2-party system has clearly not worked well for the people of Jamaica.

Ghetto Amusement and Appropriation

There has been real heated discussion around the 2 new local TV shows starring social media comedians and influencers, with social media raving about their favorites and stark differences in the shows.

The line of reasoning in the online uproar that caught my attention would have been the identification of the uptown versus ghetto comparisons, with one show clearly more relatable to the masses because of its blatant showing of inner-city culture and behaviors that naturally flow from the contestants.

It is interesting that the ghetto as a subculture of Jamaican culture and highlighted by dancehall seems to pull a lot of younger upper- and middle-class Jamaicans who would not have experienced the inner-city life in the slightest, especially as a society of deep in classism and colorism. These economical differences are painfully obvious, yet the identity carved out by those in the inner city have sustained so many and created industries.

So, the fact is that ghetto/inner city culture and lifestyle as subset of Jamaica is not every Jamaican’s identity and culture in the same way Rastafarianism is not.

With that said I find it almost repulsive that so many are quick to defend ghetto culture when it amuses them and its convenient to be a “badman” or “goodie”. But even quicker to ditch the faux identity when it disturbs their comfortable addresses above the US Embassy as someone once said or it does not suit their image at the time.

But this is not just an individualistic issue, we often see the ghetto portrayed as other in big creative performances such as plays, and “clean” dancehall artiste mainstreamed by corporate and government. Where major earnings are funneled to a selected few that can be marketed as wholesome entertaining neglecting the realness of dancehall and the ghetto.

I must end by saying that we are “One People”, but still very much “Out of Many”. We must decide to come to see and face our biases and privileges to move ahead as more just, equitable and fair society.

Mario B.

We should be concerned about the quality of our Politics.

Beyond the possible impending effect on our democracy that the destruction
of the current opposition, the People’s National Party would have, we have another disaster in the form of chronically low quality in our political representation and governance both nationally and locally.

At our local level, the Municipal Corporation representation is seen as a glorified divisional organizer appointed by political parties to keep their election machinery active. These local rep functions continue to be overshadowed by central government via Members of Parliament to curry favor with constituents. The local reps are usually less educated but deeply passionate about their communities, often lacking any substantial knowledge about government and governance.

We should be additionally concerned that our local reps with years of representational experience are continuously overlooked by the political parties for promotion to the House of Representatives.

The Upper House (Senate) is a prime example of decline, with the establishment political parties continuing to thwart the initial concept by their perplexing political appointments of defeated politicians, party activist and future candidates. The debates and exchanges on legislative matters seem almost pedestrian. The upper chamber was meant to be a legislative buffer of independent professionals or civic minded folks not a compost heap.  

Lastly, the Lower House having the better crop of representation with older professional, and tertiary educated folks seemingly lacks boldness to go against the party line and fails to truly mirror changing sentiments of their younger and more modern constituents. There is an unwillingness to be creative with policy as many laws get dragged from colonial times to be applied now and reforms being done piecemeal.

There is no need for us to implement any stringent requirements for entry into political representation, as any Jamaican citizen must have a right to run for public office and offer themselves for service. However, we must demand political parties to emphasize the need for candidates to be sufficiently groomed and empowered with the knowledge about our government systems and governance is general.

As a developing state, we must support engagement at an early age with Civics and Government in schools plus continued wholesome youth participation from the community to the national levels. As we better the stock quality in the citizenry, surely, we will see mark improvement overtime as the selected few offers themselves to represent the masses.

Mario Boothe

Youth & Governance Advocate

Fix Vision 2030 accountability mechanism

The Vision 2030 National Development Plan was created in 2008, with the adaptation of the United Nation's Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, but there have not been any deliberative discussions or reviews by the central or local government until now.

The scope of the auditor general's report titled Jamaica's Preparedness for Implementation of Sustainable Development Goal's, published in September, included:

• an institutional framework for the implementation of the SDGs;

• resource allocation and capacity-building mechanisms; and

• strategies for raising awareness, monitoring and reporting on the progress of preparedness for SDG implementation.

The report points out several significant lapses in accountability that need to be with urgency by our nation's leaders, one of which is the need for a strengthening of the institutional framework that governs the Vision 2030/SDGs implementation.

According to the report, Planning Institute of Jamaica “assumed the lead role”; however, there was no documented evidence to confirm this role as the lead agency. Further, the auditor general found that the lines of accountability were unclear in the National SDG Core Group.

While we seek long-term funding for the full implementation of the SDGs, there must be a strong institutional framework that ensures our monitoring and accountability is well organised and transparent, or we will suffer mismanagement of resources.

 To this end, the report highlighted that the Ministry of Finance and Public Service has no representation on the national core group oversight committee, even though it has responsibility for collection and allocation of public revenue to allow for socio-economic development.

The report recommends that Cabinet considers “delegating overarching responsibility for coordinating the implementation”. This will “identify clear lines of accountability”. It also recommends “the formation of an internal mechanism to apprise parliamentarians of their role and the approach to be taken with respect to matters relating to SDGs”.

Although this audit did not examine SDG preparedness at the sub-national level, I wish to implore every municipal corporation to adopt this audit because SDG implementation at the local level translates to national sustainable development.

The whole of Government, including the Office of the Cabinet, must take serious responsibility for fixing these mechanisms that will serve us well long after 2030, as they seek to strengthen our long-term planning, monitoring and evaluation capabilities.